Architectural historian and designer Stathis G. Yeros is the Mellon Fellow in Democracy and Landscape Studies, Dumbarton Oaks, Washington D.C. His research focuses on LGBTQ+ spaces, critical urbanism studies and spatial activism. He is the author of Queering Urbanism: Insurgent Spaces in the Fight for Justice, forthcoming from the University of California Press. He earned a PhD in architecture and a Master of Architecture from University of California, Berkeley.
As a recipient of the 2024 H. Allen Brooks Travelling Fellowship, he spent three months traveling the U.S. Deep South to collect evidence of queer and trans social life in the physical environment of a region where queer people’s rights have historically been repressed and are currently under attack. He plans to partner with LGBTQ+ nonprofits and university departments in the region to organize six workshops for local LGBTQ+ people to share their stories and views about what constitutes queer space.
Read Part Two, "Pleasure, Pride, and Protest Along The Mississippi"
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No group sets out to create a landscape, of course. What it sets out to do is to create community, and the landscape as its visible manifestation is simply the by-product of people working and living, sometimes staying apart, but always recognizing
their interdependence. […] None of us is ever entirely political animal or entirely inhabitant; we are unpredictable mixtures of the two.
—John Brinckerhoff Jackson, “A Pair of Ideal Landscapes”
Without community there is no liberation, only the most vulnerable and temporary armistice between an individual and her oppression. But community must not mean a shedding of our differences, nor the pathetic pretense that these differences do
not exist.
—Audre Lorde, “The Master’s Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master’s House,”
As my students often point out, I have a complicated relationship with the term community. Whenever the word arises in one of my classrooms, I consistently ask for a definition—not out of skepticism, but because I know from experience how
slippery and overburdened the term can be. In design education, community is frequently used to justify speculative ideas about civic space, design concepts, and professional goals. I sometimes find myself relying on it as a convenient shorthand—though
I recognize its limitations and flaws. My skepticism began to crystallize as I researched LGBTQ+ spaces, immigrant spaces, and spaces by and for racial minorities in the U.S. Critical questions surfaced: Who defines the boundaries of a community?
What constitutes shared values or experiences? And how does community function as a conceptual framework in spatial practices?
Things get even more complicated when the phrase queer community comes up, which similarly permeates contemporary discourse. As Miranda Joseph warned in Against the Romance of Community (2002), we should remain cautious of how notions of queer community can be co-opted by neoliberal frameworks of professionalization-or-perish or homogenized into oversimplified identities. Joseph’s critique resonates with challenges I have encountered in my own ethnographic work. Terms like queer and community surface repeatedly in conversations with LGBTQ+ individuals and organizational mission statements, often serving as touchstones for understanding lived realities. This interplay between theoretical critique and lived meaning calls for careful contextual exploration.
Throughout my travels in the Deep South, individuals and organizations frequently described their mission as “building queer community.” These efforts, while susceptible to critiques of being embedded in late capitalist structures, cannot be reduced to simple competition for resources. For instance, one of the last places I visited before returning to Washington, DC, my home-base for the year, was Queer Haven Books in Columbia, South Carolina. Opened this year in a historic downtown arcade, the bookshop has already been an active participant in local street markets and festivals for a few years. The term queer in its name functions as both an invitation and a boundary: a declaration of inclusivity for those who embrace it, an entry point for dialogue with the curious, and a clear deterrent for those unwilling to engage.
One of the owners, Baker Rogers—a sociologist and professor at Georgia Southern University—is deeply attuned to the complexities of Southern LGBTQ+ life. Their monograph, Conditionally Accepted: Christians’ Perspectives on Sexuality and Gay and Lesbian Civil Rights (2019), examines religious beliefs about homosexuality in Mississippi. Rogers demonstrates that the diversity of approaches to homosexuality across different religious traditions is far from static and entrenched; rather it reflects an ongoing refining of Southern identity, much like the reckoning with racist ideologies and practices brought to the light during the civil rights era. This perspective informs the work Queer Haven Books does, particularly in how LGBTQ+ people use queerness as a universal yet adaptable marker of difference. At Queer Haven Books, the term serves as a cultural shorthand, simultaneously signaling defiance, solidarity, and a demand for recognition. It encapsulates both the specific struggles of Southern LGBTQ+ people and the broader aspirations for connection and visibility that transcend regional boundaries.
Figure 1. Queer Haven Books opened this year within a historic arcade in downtown Columbia. The bookshop, which also holds events and participates in outdoor markets and festivals is part of a network of queer spaces historically rooted in the region’s
cultural landscape.
My journey’s final leg spanned from the Gulf Coast to the Deep South’s urban centers, including Atlanta, Birmingham, and Memphis, each with a metropolitan population exceeding one million (Atlanta being by far the largest at 6.3 million).
These travels involved numerous detours, last-minute adjustments, long drives, and time spent at festivals, where I talked to people who shared their own definitions of community. These definitions were often tied to specific sites that are not
outwardly visible as queer but operate within broader regional networks. Black LGBTQ+ spaces, rural sites, and urban queer cultures each carry distinct characteristics, yet together they form resilient networks—digitally connected, globally
aware, and locally adaptive. These networks often thrive on ephemerality, demonstrating remarkable flexibility and creativity in response to shifting social and political contexts.
Rather than focusing solely on queer forms or aesthetics—though the rainbow flag in its many variations remains a powerful unifying symbol—it may be more insightful to trace how the lived politics of openly queer and trans lives contest
entrenched narratives of the “Southern way of life.” These lives simultaneously appropriate and subvert cultural norms, redefining democracy not as a fixed ideal but as a process of relationality and negotiation—a way of
reimagining belonging in the American landscape.
The Gulf Coast
Biloxi, a coastal town of 48,000 residents on Mississippi’s Gulf Coast, lies just over an hour’s drive east of New Orleans. Its history is deeply intertwined with the region’s geographical and cultural landscape. Founded in 1699 as a colonial outpost of French Louisiana, Biloxi’s identity has been shaped by Native American, French, Spanish, and African influences. Distinct from the rest of Mississippi, it emerged as a tourism hub by the early twentieth century. Known as the “Little Las Vegas of the South” during its mid-twentieth-century heyday, Biloxi attracted entertainers from across the United States, driven in part by the Gulf Coast’s gambling industry which was illegal on paper but tolerated in practice. Today, Biloxi and its sister city, Gulfport—founded nearly 200 years later as a shipping hub for the Gulf & Ship Island Railroad—are home to eight casino resorts (gambling is legal in Mississippi since 1990). However, as Gulf Coast tourism has declined there are limited economic opportunities for residents and both towns bear the lasting scars of hurricane Katrina and aging infrastructure.
My journey to Biloxi was driven by a desire to meet Lynn Koval, the owner of Just Us Lounge, the town’s longstanding LGBTQ+ bar. Koval’s story embodies resilience: she has weathered both personal and literal storms, including a recent battle with late-stage cancer. Growing up in Gulfport, Koval left home at sixteen when her family refused to accept her homosexuality. Yet she remained in the area, working in various bars, where she developed both grit and a keen understanding of the contradictions within American culture about homosexuality. In her own words:
“I worked in bars [in the 1980s] where they would drag people out the front door and beat the shit out of them. That was their past-time. I would say: what are you doing? I’m also gay. They said OK. No, I am gay. You are not going
to do that on my watch. They said: yeah, but you’re Lynn. I said yeah, but Lynn loves them. Get it? And before all was said and done that community was protecting the gay community.”
LGBTQ+ individuals still encounter harassment, but as Koval explains, “that doesn’t come from Biloxi. That’s people coming from over the highway.” For Koval, Interstate 10, the inland east-west highway that bypasses the town, marks an unofficial boundary between conservative state politics and Biloxi’s fiercely independent identity. During my travels through Mississippi, I visited other towns that share this dynamic, operating as unexpected queer havens rooted in close-knit, face-to-face connections. These places echo the interpersonal networks that defined queer life in Mississippi before the gay liberation movement, when, as John Howard and others have shown, queerness was quietly accepted as part of everyday life. Koval’s personal journey—from homelessness to stability—highlights the strength of these bonds. Over time, she reconciled with her family, including her mother, who, despite rejecting her sexuality, “loved her to death,” as Koval movingly recalls.
Just Us Lounge occupies an unassuming spot just off a highway ramp in a working-class neighborhood of modest single-family homes. The surrounding commercial corridor is typical of the towns I have visited, lined with fast food and immigrant-owned restaurants, convenience and automotive stores, smoke shops, and a score of churches. The bar itself has two entrances: one facing the street and another at the back, which is more commonly used. The rear lot opens onto a yard with picnic tables, a grill, and an outdoor bar that comes alive in cooler weather. When I arrived on a quiet afternoon, I was welcomed by Koval and a handful of regulars. Their camaraderie was evident, and they affectionately referred to visitors like me as “pilgrims,” acknowledging the bar’s importance as both a cultural and historical landmark.
Figures 2 & 3. Just Us Lounge’s street-side façade and backyard. The mural that once wrapped around the building is no longer extant.
Established in 1997 as the latest iteration of a string of bars that Koval had operated before, Just Us was the sole LGBTQ+ bar along this stretch of the Gulf Coast for nearly a decade before a second bar opened in Gulfport. It quickly became a neighborhood
fixture, drawing not just locals but visitors from across the region. In 2018, Malcolm Ingram’s documentary Southern Pride featured Just Us and Koval’s efforts to organize Biloxi’s first Pride festival, offering a glimpse into
the triumphs and challenges of the city’s LGBTQ+ people. However, the film left many nuances unexplored, particularly the racial dynamics at play. The filmmakers touched on communication gaps between Just Us’ predominantly white regulars
and Black groups visiting the town, but this only hints at the complexities of Mississippi’s queer history. While Koval has always welcomed transgender people at Just Us, the relative absence of Black patrons highlights broader racial tensions
and the region’s lack of intersectional spaces.
Koval’s life reflects the resilience of the tight-knit community she supports. Her story is unconventional. Along with managing the bar, she also worked as a bounty hunter, a detail she mentioned in passing. Reflecting on the building that now
houses Just Us, she described it bluntly: “The place was a dump,” a testament to the physical and emotional labor it took to transform it into a thriving hub. The interior of Just Us is modest, featuring a long bar along two walls,
a stage for performances with an adjacent green room, a pool table and several movable bar tables and chairs. Koval has never marketed the bar strictly as an LGBTQ+ establishment; instead, she proudly welcomes “anyone and everyone,”
hosting events that cater to a diverse audience. Open twenty-four hours, the bar draws different crowds depending on the time of day. For example, Biloxi’s service industry workers often gather there in the early morning hours after their
shifts, grilling food at three or four in the morning, creating a communal rhythm that ties Just Us to the fabric of the town’s everyday life.
The bar’s current form is the result of extensive renovations after Hurricane Katrina. While much of the media coverage of Katrina focuses on New Orleans, the Gulf Coast, including Biloxi, endured severe devastation. When Koval first returned
to Just Us after the storm, floodwaters had nearly reached the ceiling. Restoring the space became a group effort, with locals volunteering to gut and redesign it, reflecting a shared vision of resilience. A standout feature of the pre-Katrina
bar was a mural painted by a local artist, depicting the buildings lining Biloxi’s coastline. Following the artist’s passing, Koval chose not to replace the mural—which needed frequent repairs—which prompted Biloxi historical
society’s effort to digitally preserve the artwork as a view into Biloxi’s built landscape before Katrina that now exists only in memory.
Figure 4. Side view of Just Us Lounge with Love is Love mural greeting motorists driving by.
Figure 5. The interior of Just Us Lounge has a stage tucked in the corner, space for dancing, a pool table and a long bar on the opposite side. It was entirely renovated with community volunteer labor after Hurricane Katrina devastated the area.
Though my time in Biloxi was brief, it left a lasting impression as an entry into the Gulf’s LGBTQ+ landscape. Driving east, I visited Mobile, Alabama, which has a small but lively downtown where three LGBTQ+ bars form what locals affectionately
call the “fruit loop” (a term that warrants a critical perspective). Unfortunately, the timing of my visit prevented me from fully experiencing Mobile’s queer scene. However, I was able to attend the Pride festival in nearby
Panama City, Florida. Held over the first weekend in October at Aaron Bessant Park in Panama City Beach —a coastal area lined with hotels and businesses catering to the city’s tourist economy—the event was dampened by stormy
weather, likely contributing to the low turnout. Despite this, the festival highlighted a vibrant network of LGBTQ+ organizations, churches, and local businesses, including queer-owned enterprises and supportive real estate and insurance firms.
In this socially conservative part of Florida, much of queer life centers around small-town businesses and affirming religious communities. Notably, this festival was the only one where I encountered anti-LGBTQ+ protesters, but their voices and
signs were largely overshadowed by the loud music and the resort town’s colorful atmosphere.
Figure 6. The Pride festival in Panama City Beach is held in a park close to the waterfront. Vendors and information booths line a perimeter path outlining a central lawn where performances take place.
The Urban Deep South
From Panama City, I traveled north to Atlanta to attend Pride, a vibrant three-day celebration held each October. The centerpiece of the weekend is the main parade on Saturday afternoon, winding along Peachtree Avenue, a historic hub of gay male social
life since the 1970s. The festivities spill into Piedmont Park, a sprawling 200-acre urban green, where celebrations continue from the parade’s conclusion on Saturday until Sunday evening. Surrounding the park’s central lake, nearly
100 booths offer resources and information from LGBTQ+ organizations, healthcare providers, faith groups, and corporate diversity initiatives. Adding to the vibrant atmosphere are food trucks, scattered bars, and an array of commercial vendors,
including local artisans and discreetly positioned sex shops. Two stages host an eclectic mix of musical acts, drag shows, and cabaret performances.
The festival’s programming is as diverse as its audience, with morning yoga sessions, a kids’ play area, and an LGBTQ+ history exhibition curated by librarians from Georgia State University Archives. The exhibition delves into the origins
of Pride, tracing its roots back to 1971, when Atlanta hosted the South’s first Pride march in commemoration of the Stonewall Riots. Atlanta’s LGBTQ+ history offers a rich lens for examining the social and political forces that have
shaped its built environment. This complex narrative is outlined in detail within the LGBTQ+ Historic Context Statement, a collaborative effort by the City of Atlanta, Historic Atlanta, and Georgia’s Historic Preservation Division.
Aside from its route along Peachtree Avenue, today’s Pride parade and festival bear little resemblance to their early iterations. Over the course of nearly three hours, I witnessed an extraordinary variety of participants: Georgia Democratic
politicians, local businesses, representatives from Pride festivals across the country, and numerous local nonprofits. The parade opened with two large contingents affiliated with the two major corporations headquartered in Atlanta: Coca-Cola
and Delta Airlines (Coca-Cola also sponsored the festival’s main stage). The corporatization of Pride—a frequent topic in contemporary scholarship—was unmistakable. While it was challenging to suppress my critical perspective,
the infectious joy of the crowd softened my stance. A lesbian couple in their sixties cheered alongside twenty-somethings, and a sense of community—as a group bounded by shared experiences—however fleeting and tenuous, was palpable.
Atlanta’s LGBTQ+ history is far richer than the contrived narrative of the post-Stonewall rights movement adapting to regional contexts suggests. The Atlanta Lesbian Feminist Alliance (ALFA) exemplifies this complexity. From 1972 to 1994, ALFA
published a newsletter—now fully digitized and accessible through Duke University’s David M. Rubenstein Rare Book and Manuscript Library—that chronicled the group’s activism and community-building efforts. ALFA’s
headquarters, a beautiful Craftsman bungalow in the Little Five Points neighborhood, served as a vital hub for organizing. The same neighborhood was also home to Charis Books and More, founded in 1974 by Linda Bryant and Sherry Emory. As one of
the nation’s oldest feminist bookstores, Charis became a cultural cornerstone for generations of lesbians. While it has since relocated, Charis continues to serve as a vibrant focal point for Atlanta’s queer social life, preserving
its legacy while evolving to meet the needs of the present.
Figure 7. Exterior of Charis Books and More in Atlanta. The pioneering lesbian feminist bookstore was first established in a different location, in the Little Five Point neighborhood, where it was part of a network of lesbian-centered spaces that
helped shape the city’s LGBTQ+ social life and politics.
I visited Charis to attend a book launch for Country Queers by Rae Garringer, featuring a conversation with Suzanne Pharr, a veteran Southern feminist, anti-racist organizer, author, and public speaker. Events like this highlight the intergenerational
connections fostered by such spaces. The in-person audience was small—around fifteen people—but the discussion was livestreamed, extending its reach. Charis’s setting, a cozy house with front rooms devoted to books and back rooms
reserved for events, enhances its intimate and welcoming atmosphere. Outside, a book-sharing kiosk evoked memories of a similar little library in Memphis, located in front of the city’s LGBTQ+ center. Even in today’s digital world,
physical books remain a vital thread of connection for queer people. Once, marginalia in library books served as a quiet, subversive form of communication—a reminder of the enduring power of the combination of physical objects and the written
word in building shared experiences.
Figure 8. Glenn Memorial Church near Emory University displaying a rainbow flag prominently over its entrance. According to a member of the congregation the queer-affirming activities are a result of youth organizing over the last decade.
My itinerary along the interstate corridor connecting Atlanta, Birmingham, and Memphis, included meaningful time spent in all three cities, where I participated in community events and delved into queer archival collections at local university libraries.
I have previously written about Memphis in the context of trans territorialization. In that paper, I argued that trans territorialization is the spatial counterpart to nonbinary embodiment—not simply a third category distinct from male/female,
gay/straight, but a rejection of fixity in LGBTQ+ urban placemaking. At the time, I recognized—and still do—that this argument requires more empirical data to fully develop. In fact, thinking while traveling and traveling to think
offer both gifts and challenges. While it doesn’t align neatly with the rigor of traditional scholarly methods, travelling opens doors to multiple lines of inquiry. Some I hope to pursue myself and others that will, no doubt, be taken up
by those better suited to do so. The act of moving through spaces, observing, and reflecting often generates more questions than answers, but it is precisely in this flux that new possibilities emerge.
Figure 9. The converted residential building housing OUT Memphis, a community center offering queer and trans-affirming events, a “community pantry,” health and counselling referrals, among other initiatives. OPUT Memphis was established
in the mid-1970s and was housed in different buildings before moving to its current permanent location.
Figure 10. The “crafts room” at Harriet Hancock LGBT Center in Columbia. The Center was established in 1993, serves South Carolina’s Midlands region and helps organize the yearly Pride festival.
Figure 11. The Evergreen Theater in Memphis, site of Friends of George’s, a performance group that has produced elaborate drag shows for decades. It is the first building that received a commemorative plaque celebrating its significance for
LGBTQ+ life in the city.
To return to the question of how to define queer community—and why it matters—my time in Birmingham included a pivotal detour to Montgomery. This visit offered, I thought, the clearest window into the contemporary political landscape ahead
of the re-election of Donald Trump as president. Montgomery, shaped profoundly by the civil rights movement as the site of the 1955–1956 bus boycott, alongside Selma, is home to several civil rights museums and interpretation centers, with
The Legacy Sites offering exemplary design and curatorial approaches. Montgomery’s LGBTQ+ community center, named after Bayard Rustin, serves as a hub for grassroots initiatives and nonprofits. It also organizes Pride, a weekend-long celebration
I attended in mid-October. Saturday’s events included a march and rally to the Alabama Capitol—the first explicitly political activity I encountered on this journey. The rally speeches and the organizations participating in Sunday’s
festival highlighted concrete ways to advocate for LGBTQ+ rights in the state legislature, celebrated the contributions of Southern drag culture, and built solidarities with movements for reproductive health and against book bans in schools and
public libraries across the South. During this period of deep political polarization, the activist intersections that Bayard Rustin Community Center and Montgomery Pride demonstrate underscore the real power of such spaces and events in building
coalition across groups with different cultures and activist priorities.
Figure 12. The march during Montgomery Pride culminated at a rally in front of the Alabama State Capitol. The crowd represented a broad coalition of trans-and-Black-affirming organizations, abortion rights activists, and the Bayard Rustin Community
Center that organizes it. A film crew recoded the event, which will be part of a documentary about US Pride festivals.
Figure 13. Montgomery Pride festival took place in a downtown converted train depot.
Race, Rurality, Religion
On my way back to the Atlantic coast, where I concluded my journey in Savannah, I visited Columbia, South Carolina’s capital, and Charleston, a port city and wealthy resort enclave. All three cities host Pride festivals on different weekends
from late September to late October. About halfway through my journey, I adjusted my itinerary to align with the region’s Pride schedule. This adjustment proved invaluable for meeting people and gathering information about the networks queer
and trans people have built within and beyond the Deep South.
Common characteristics began to emerge. Except for Atlanta, Memphis, and Columbia—the first Pride march in Memphis took place ten years after Atlanta, in 1981, and Columbia followed in 1990—most other festivals in the region were established
within the last decade. A marked proliferation of Pride events followed the US Supreme Court’s landmark decision in Obergefell v. Hodges (2015), which effectively recognized LGBTQ+ marriage. While cities like Jackson and Birmingham had already
implemented nondiscrimination ordinances, state-level resistance to LGBTQ+ rights persists across much of the South. Another significant development is the rise of Black Pride festivals in cities such as Birmingham, Montgomery, Memphis, Atlanta,
and Hattiesburg. These events, while welcoming to non-Black attendees in varying degrees, underscore the persistent segregation of queer spaces in the South and the critical need for spaces where Black LGBTQ+ people can shape group identity around
shared cultural experiences. This dynamic reflects political scholar Nancy Fraser’s critique of interest group pluralism, wherein nominal inclusivity often conceals deeper structural exclusions rooted in cultural and socioeconomic hierarchies.
Black Prides highlight the necessity of addressing these historical divides.
Despite the intersection of Black rights and LGBTQ+ rights movements in the last two decades, their entwined histories remain underexplored in the Civil Rights-focused museums that I visited in Memphis, Jackson, Birmingham, Montgomery, Atlanta, and
Charleston. These institutions present invaluable cultural narratives but largely adhere to canonical, progressive accounts of Black citizens’ struggles for civil rights—framed as an expanding inclusion in the national citizenry achieved
through non-violent struggle. I encountered only two mentions of LGBTQ+ challenges in these museums: one on an interactive panel in the final room of Birmingham’s Civil Rights Institute and another in the Human Rights galleries of Atlanta’s
National Center for Civil and Human Rights. Neither explicitly centered Black queer and trans experiences.
Moreover, the proliferation of Pride festivals challenges the simplistic urban-rural dichotomies often imposed on the South. At urban events, I met people who traveled several hours from rural areas to participate, highlighting the interconnectedness
of these spaces. Smaller festivals outside major cities, such as Upstate Pride in South Carolina, South Alabama Pride Festival, and Water Valley Pride in Mississippi, further blur these boundaries. This is not to underplay the importance of cities,
which remain centers of diverse queer-friendly cultures and attract those seeking to participate in them. At The Nick, for instance, a country and rock bar in Birmingham, I caught an intimate performance by gay country singer Sam Williams. A staff
member there shared that, though not queer himself, he commuted daily from a rural area because he valued the space’s “cool” atmosphere and the encounters it offered, which were absent in his hometown. This is far from an isolated
experience. Conversely, rural queer spaces, such as gay campgrounds and clothing-optional resorts in Southeast Georgia, provide opportunities for LGBTQ+ people to relax and unwind away from urban environments. Historically, lesbian feminist festivals
and Radical Faerie gatherings have also embraced rural settings. Short Mountain Sanctuary, a Radical Faerie retreat nestled in the Appalachian Mountains, lies within driving distance of many cities I visited, offering a bridge between urban and
rural queer life.
Figure 14. Interior of The Nick, a queer-friendly rock and country bar in Birmingham.
Figure 15. The Capitol Club’s in Columbia, South Carolina, operated as a gay and lesbian members’ club for decades and it still requires member registration for a nominal fee to enter. This structure allows the bar to refuse entry to groups
or individuals it deems disruptive.
Religion also plays a complex role in shaping queer life in the Deep South. Rogers, the South Carolina sociologist and bookstore owner, has demonstrated in their work that different Christian denominations vary in their acceptance and support of LGBTQ+
rights. Mainline Protestants and many Catholic churches often adopt liberal interpretations of the Bible, allowing homosexual members to participate in their congregations—though frequently under conditional terms. Explicitly LGBTQ+ affirming
congregations, such as the Metropolitan Community Churches (MCC), are a consistent presence in the region, each shaped by its local context. For example, MCC Charleston occupies its own stand-alone building, while other MCC congregations share
spaces with other religious organizations.
Traditional churches explicitly welcoming LGBTQ+ members are rare, though I did encounter several, primarily in urban settings. They include affirming messages in their literature and, in some cases, display rainbow flags as visible symbols of inclusion.
At Circular Congregational Church in Charleston, which is affiliated with the United Church of Christ and is housed in an architecturally distinct building dating to 1892, a large rainbow flag is displayed alongside a Black Lives Matter poster.
The church, a frequent stop on city tours, intrigued me. Researching its history through its archives held at the College of Charleston, I learned that the congregation’s engagement with homosexuality began in the 1960s, when a pastor involved
in the civil rights movement initiated the church’s collection of theological literature about homosexuality. Today, queer-affirming religious groups are omnipresent in the region, participating in every Pride festival I attended, underscoring
their structural role in queer Southern life.
Figures 16 & 17. Exterior view of the Circular Congregational Church and its auxiliary building in Charleston. A Black Lives Matter poster and rainbow flag displayed during my visit demonstrated the congregation’s commitment to progressive
causes.
As historian John Howard argues in Men Like That: A Southern Queer History (2000), the Deep South has always been queer, though its queerness often resists alignment with modern identity categories. Howard’s framework that situates Southern
queerness at the intersection of race, rurality, and religion remains profoundly relevant today. My observations throughout this journey raise more questions than answers but reaffirm the need to explore these entanglements with care. In a national
political climate where the Deep South is frequently dismissed as a “lost cause” for LGBTQ+ rights, the interplay of race, rurality, and religion offers not just a lens for understanding but a path forward—one that calls for
reasoning with patience and evidence, fighting back when necessary, and cultivating spaces of queer joy and celebration.
For Further Reading
Fieseler, Robert W. Tinderbox: The Untold Story of the Up Stairs Lounge Fire and the Rise of Gay Liberation. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2019.
Garringer, Rae. Country Queers: A Love Letter. Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2024.
- Harker, Jaime. The Lesbian South: Southern Feminists, the Women in Print Movement, and the Queer Literary Canon. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2018.
- Herring, Scott. Another Country: Queer Anti-Urbanism. New York: New York University Press, 2010.
- Howard, John, ed. Carryin’ on in the Lesbian and Gay South. New York, NY: New York University Press, 1997.
- ———. Men like That: A Southern Queer History. Paperback edition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001.
- Johnson, Colin R. Just Queer Folks: Gender and Sexuality in Rural America. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2013.
- Johnson, E. Patrick. Honeypot: Black Southern Women Who Love Women. Durham: Duke University Press, 2019.
- ———, ed. Sweet Tea: Black Gay Men of the South. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2012.
- Machado, Isabel. Carnival in Alabama: Marked Bodies and Invented Traditions in Mobile. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2023.
- Mims, La Shonda. Drastic Dykes and Accidental Activists: Queer Women in the Urban South. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2022.
Padgett, Martin. A Night at the Sweet Gum Head: Drag, Drugs, Disco, and Atlanta’s Gay Revolution. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2021.
Rogers, Baker A. Conditionally Accepted: Christians’ Perspectives on Sexuality and Gay and Lesbian Civil Rights. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2020.
———. King of Hearts: Drag Kings in the American South. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2022.
———. Trans Men in the South: Becoming Men. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2020.
Sears, James T. Growing up Gay in the South: Race, Gender, and Journeys of the Spirit. New York: Harrington Park Press, 1990.
- ———. Lonely Hunters: An Oral History of Lesbian and Gay Southern Life, 1948-1968. Boulder: Westview Press, 1997.
- ———, ed. Rebels, Rubyfruit, and Rhinestones: Queering Space in the Stonewall South. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2001.
- Smith, Howard Philips, and Frank Perez. Southern Decadence in New Orleans. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2018.
- Smith, Howard Philips, and Henri Schindler. Unveiling the Muse: The Lost History of Gay Carnival in New Orleans. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2018.
- Stone, Amy L. Queer Carnival: Festivals and Mardi Gras in the South. New York: New York University Press, 2022.
- Thompson, Brock. The Un-Natural State: Arkansas and the Queer South. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2010.
- Watkins, Jerry T. Queering the Redneck Riviera: Sexuality and the Rise of Florida Tourism. Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2021.